80 years Dissolution of the Comintern
"The Communist International had not ceased to exist and it will not cease to exist"
(Lenin ).
The dissolution of the Comintern was a historically lasting defeat for the world proletariat and the world revolution, was a victory of the international forces of the Anti-Comintern, was a decisive factor in the historical growth of modern revisionism.
The dissolution of the Comintern can be justified by nothing and no one, for the Communist International is the only party that can lead the world proletariat to world communism.
For this reason alone, the dissolution of the Comintern was the worst betrayal of proletarian internationalism, of the world socialist revolution, of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
- The dissolution of the Comintern was a stab in the back of our highest ideal - world communism.
- The dissolution of the Comintern did not serve the abolition of class society, but its maintenance by "peaceful coexistence" of two world camps.
- Any "justification" of a dissolution of the Comintern can mean nothing other than justifying the prolongation of the rule of the imperialist world. This means denying the possibility of the transition to world socialism and world communism. This is incompatible with the principles of Stalinism-Hoxhaism.
Finally, the dissolution of the Comintern was a declaration of war against the revolutionary doctrines of the 5 classics of Marxism-Leninism, which always stood up for the proletarian international.
10 reasons
against
the dissolution of the Comintern
[ excerpt of the General-Line of the Comintern (SH) ]
1.
The existence of a Communist International is neither dependent on the ups and downs of capitalism, nor dependent on the ups and downs of inner party struggles. It is always and in any case absolutely indespensable for the fulfillment of the revolutionary mission of the world proletariat. Consequently, it is never allowed to cancel its existence, neither in times of capitalist crises, nor during fascism, nor in times of imperialist wars, etc, nor during inner crises.
Precisely in particularly most difficult and harsh conditions of the class struggle, in situations and periods in which the world proletariat and the peoples have the worst to suffer under the yoke of capitalism (such as under Nazism and World War II), precisely then is the Communist International indispensable, precisely then is such a dissolution close to a crime. Precisely in 1943, when tens of millions of masses bleeded to death, were murdered, starved and died of thirst, it is impossible to dissolve the Comintern and to leave the world proletariat and the peoples to their fate. Especially in the most extreme conditions, the leadership of the Communist International is needed for the revolutionary liberation of the world proletariat and the peoples - namely to smash down and end the brutal, bloody rule of the world bourgeoisie.
Maintaining the Communist International (respectively its fastest reconstruction in case of its liquidation), is absolutely a historical necessity. All the tactical considerations are absolutely subordinated. The principled question of the existence of the Communist International is not to be mixed up with the tactical questions of the Communist International. Decisions whether the Comintern lives or dies, only for the purpose of a temporary advantage (or to avoid an intermediate disadvantage), and the sacrificing of principles in the interests for a moment - are downright opportunist decisions. Nobody can deny or annul this truth by the accusation of "dogmatism".
2.
The existence of the Communist International is not only limited in the absolute necessity of overthrowing the capitalist world domination, by means of the world socialist revolution. That necessity exists uninterruptedly during the whole period of the existence of world capitalism.
However, the Communist International is also needed for the establishment of the dictatorship of the world proletariat and for leading the construction of world socialism.
The Communist International will therefore be indispensable during the entire historical period of world socialism, namely to eliminate the danger of the restoration of world capitalism, and finally to lead the world proletariat toward world communism.
Without Communist International there is no overthrow and destruction of world capitalism.
Without Communist International there is no victorious construction of world socialism.
Any "justification" for the premature dissolution of the Communist International can therefore be nothing more than a justification for the prolongation of the world domination of the bourgeoisie, for the delay of the dictatorship of the world proletariat, and finally for the postponement of World Communism.
3.
In the event that our Communist International will be forcibly liquidated or from the inside decomposed by the bourgeoisie, in the event that the Comintern falls victim to its own degeneration, in the event that it is turned into an instrument of the class enemy, then: it is our duty to ruthlessly slap it out of the hostile hands.
Only if this should not succeed - we must rebuild the Communist International in any case - and that , of course, restored on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism.
4.
If we would dissolve our own Communist International, for any reason whatsoever, this contradicts the basic idea of proletarian internationalism. We would cease to be Communists. The own liquidation of our communist organization is tantamount to capitulation to the class enemy. This means nothing else than the disarmament of the world proletariat and cession the field to the international counter-revolution.
No Communist International is worth anything, unless it can defend itself. But the Communist International does not learn to defend itself at once. This is an ever lasting process of learning from its own experiences.
The Comintern (SH) will never be dissolved by itself. The Communist International is a dying breed in the period of world communism. It will die off not a sole day earlier.
5.
Countries of the dictatorship of the proletariat are particularly bound to proletarian internationalism. This means that they are obliged to protect the Communist International by all means. Maintaining the existence of the Comintern is also self-evident task of exclusively all the other Sections of the Comintern.
It is not only the right but also the duty of a country of the dictatorship of the proletariat to withhold its support for an already degenerated Communist International. Naturally, this applies to all other sections of the Comintern. This does not release neither the socialist country, nor all the other sections of the Comintern from the obligation to do everything in their power, to support the immediate reconstruction of the Communist International , respectively to take the initiative.
The dictatorship of the proletariat is in essence an internationalist dictatorship and serves primarily the liberation of the whole world proletariat. Without survival of the Communist International and the world communist movement, the socialist world revolution is doomed to the defeat. Only the world revolution - or at least the victory of the socialist revolution in several countries - can guarantee the survival of socialism in "one" country. The existence of the Comintern and the support of the world proletariat is therefore also important for the maintenance of the existence of socialism in "one" country. Why then consent to the dissolution of the Comintern ?
The CPSU (b) of Lenin and Stalin has always triumphed over the liquidators and capitulationists. Neither before nor after the October Revolution, there was a smallest reason for the dissolution of the CPSU (B). Is this particularly valid for the Bolshevik Party of the Soviet Union or, generally, also valid for all Bolshevik parties? Of course, the fight against liquidationism and against capitulationism is obligatory for all Bolshevik parties. In our view, that what applies to the Bolshevik Party of a sole country, must apply even more to the world-Bolshevik party which bears responsibility for all countries, for the whole world proletariat. It follows:
As little as the CPSU (B) has dissolved itself, so little were the Comintern allowed to dissolve itself, and so little neither the CPSU (B) nor all the other sections should have given their consent to its dissolution.
6.
The Comintern (SH) defends all comrades who have rendered outstanding services to the maintenance or re-establishment of the Comintern. Some of them have even paid for their lives.
Simultaneously, we condemn all capitulationist, liquidationist and conciliatory elements who have initiated, organised or tolerated the dissolution of the Comintern. Secondly, we condemn all the opportunist, revisionist and neo-revisionist elements who argued openly or hiddenly against the reconstruction of the Comintern, with the intention to hamper or sabotage its revival.
Every adulation of the historical merits of the Comintern is suspicious, especially if its dissolution is tolerated or justified, or if it is combined with reasons of refusal against its necessary reconstruction.
7.
Our criticism is thus clear: we do not only criticize the dissolution of the Comintern as an act of capitulation. Primarily, we critisize its long-lasting negative effect for the comeback of the Comintern. The fact that the dissolution caused a half-century long delay of reconstruction, demonstrates impressively that this wrong historic decision had effected a fundamentally false course of organizing the Communist World Movement - namely the toleration of the renouncement of the Communist International. The dissolution of the Comintern was a painful lesson in the history of the international communist movement. It must never be repeated.
8.
Only within a diseased Comintern, which was infected by the bacillus of the "left"-wing social democratism, could such moods of self-dissolution occur and be spread all over the world.
A healthy Communist International, which is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism, wastes no precious time in thinking about its own dissolution.
A healthy Communist International holds on and sticks to the socialist world revolution with all its strength.
A healthy Communist International shall never lay down its arms in face of the onslaught of world counter-revolution and imperialist wars!
Therefore, our general-line demands all members of the Comintern (SH) to combat every liquidationist tendencies and to stifle at birth.
9.
The dissolution of the International implied the inevitable danger of weakening the idea of proletarian internationalism and the emergence of nationalist tendencies within the communist parties of the various countries ("own national road to socialism"; see: Titoism; Browderism etc.).
The dissolution of the Comintern favored the tendency for national separation and isolation, which necessarily contained two risks:
First, the danger of the growing influence of national isolation and, secondly, the risk of neglection of propagating together, preparing together and carrying out together the world socialist revolution.
The ECCI justified the dissolution of the Comintern with the dissolution of the First International by Marx and Engels. The equating of quite different historical conditions for the dissolution of the I. and III. International - is contradicting the correct method of the dialectical and historical materialism and leads unavoidably to false conclusions. The dissolution of the Comintern may not be justified by the dissolution of the First International. There is no justification for the genuine communist internationalists to dissolve their revolutionary world-party.
10.
The ECCI Presidium of the Comintern argued: “The Communist International has become a drag on the further strengthening of the national working-class parties.”
The Communist International, as the directing centre of the socialist world revolution, may never become a drag ... neither on the entire emancipation of the world proletariat, nor on the emancipation of the proletariat in the single countries.
The Sections are not such "matured" children who are eligible for the dissolution of the Communist International, after standing on their own feet.
And the Communist International is not such a "mother", who leaves her children in the lurch after she has started a family.
The task of the Comintern is not yet completed and fulfilled by the fact that it led Bolshevik parties to maturity. On the contrary. The Communist International takes never leave of its Sections - under no circumstances. Sections and Comintern, they never leave each other in the lurch - never !
The centralized unification of the Sections was the prerequisite for the most essential task of the Comintern: to lead all Bolshevik parties collectively toward the victory of the world socialist revolution. However, the revisionist leaders of the Comintern dropped the world socialist revolution. In consequence, the Comintern was not needed anymore as the global organization for the revolution of the world proletariat.
* * *
Starting from all these principled considerations, we cast doubts, both on the justification of the ECCI for the dissolution of the Comintern (on 20 May 1943) and on the consent of the CPSU [b], (21 May 1943).
The very first task of all communists all over the world is to prevent the dissolution of our communist world party.
In case of the Comintern this task was not fulfilled.
The decision of the dissolution of the Comintern was unanimously accepted.
Can we be true defenders of the Comintern, can we be true members of the Comintern (SH) if we would accept a dissolution unresisting and unprotesting?
* * *
The Comintern (SH) draws the following key organizational lessons from the fatal dissolution of the Comintern:
The general-line of the Comintern (SH) states that the old model of the organization of the Comintern - an umbrella organization of independent, national communist parties - is no longer appropriate. According to the present conditions of the globalization of the world proletariat it will be superseded by a new global model of a world party.
The Comintern (SH) considers herelf as
the sole Stalinist-Hoxhaist party of the entire revolutionary proletariat
- with its own Sections in each country.
The tendency of the dissolution of the Comintern (SH) and the danger of the transformation from Sections to independent, national splinter groups is countervailed by the tendency of growing together by means of the strengthening of the principle of democratic centralism.
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